
FPV drones
Represents the newer low-cost FPV strike layer documented in southern Lebanon and northern Israel.
Aircraft & UAVs / First-person-view small UAV / one-way attack droneConflict side
Hezbollah is a Lebanon-based Shia political party and armed organization whose 2023 Israel-Hezbollah conflict role includes rockets, anti-tank guided missiles, FPV and one-way attack UAVs, recoilless guns, mortars, IEDs, and other infantry weapons used from Lebanon against Israel.
18 weapon systemsHezbollah is treated here as the Lebanese armed-political actor active in the post-October 2023 Israel-Hezbollah conflict. The organization emerged during Lebanon's civil war and the 1982 Israeli invasion, participates in Lebanese politics, maintains an armed wing outside full state control, and is described by U.S. government and major research sources as Iran-backed.
The equipment profile is asymmetric rather than conventional. It combines long-established rocket fire into northern Israel, Iranian-origin or Iran-linked anti-tank and artillery rockets, crew-served weapons recovered in southern Lebanon, and a newer layer of small FPV and one-way attack UAVs documented during renewed fighting after the November 2024 cessation framework.
The side boundary covers Hezbollah as a durable actor, not every Lebanese state institution, Shia political current, or loosely allied militia. The 2023 Israel-Hezbollah conflict record identifies Hezbollah use or possession of systems such as Katyusha rockets, Fadi and Falaq rockets, Fajr-3 rockets, Almas and Kornet anti-tank missiles, FPV drones, one-way attack UAVs, SPG-9 recoilless guns, mortars, IEDs, and small arms.
Hezbollah's public identity spans political organization, social movement, and armed force. NCTC records its participation in Lebanese government since 1992 and its retention of arms after UN Security Council resolutions calling for disarmament of armed groups in Lebanon. CFR frames it as both a Shia Muslim political party and militant group with deep links to Iran and Syria.
The military profile emphasizes standoff fire, anti-armor threats, concealed launch infrastructure, and tactical adaptation under Israeli pressure. CSIS describes Hezbollah's rocket and missile inventory as dominated by unguided surface-to-surface rockets, while the 2023-2026 conflict record adds anti-tank guided missiles, drones, recovered launchers, and battlefield claims that need system-specific sourcing before being attached to weapon entries.
Iran is the central external-support context. Treasury sanctions releases describe IRGC-Qods Force and Hezbollah-linked revenue, oil-smuggling, exchange-house, and procurement networks, while research sources identify Iran as Hezbollah's largest benefactor. Those sources support the support-network framing, but not every individual weapon's route into Lebanon.

Represents the newer low-cost FPV strike layer documented in southern Lebanon and northern Israel.
Aircraft & UAVs / First-person-view small UAV / one-way attack drone
Highlights the precision anti-armor threat linked to Hezbollah attacks on Israeli military positions and vehicles.
Infantry Weapons / Anti-tank guided missile family
Represents medium-range rocket fire publicly associated with Hezbollah's September 2024 escalation.
Artillery / Unguided medium-range rocket family
Captures the long-running unguided rocket-salvo layer in Hezbollah attacks from Lebanon.
Munitions / Unguided 122 mm artillery rocket
Represents recovered crew-served direct-fire weapons attributed to Hezbollah positions in southern Lebanon.
Infantry Weapons / 73 mm tripod-mounted recoilless gunNCTC says Hizballah formed in 1982 in response to Israel's invasion of Lebanon, while CFR describes Hezbollah as a Lebanon-based Shia Muslim political party and militant group that developed during the Lebanese Civil War. This side therefore covers a political-military organization rather than a regular state military service.
Hezbollah's leadership changed during the 2024 escalation. Longtime secretary-general Hassan Nasrallah was killed in an Israeli strike in September 2024, and Naim Qassem, previously deputy secretary-general and a founding-era figure, was chosen as secretary-general in October 2024.
The group has participated in Lebanese politics since the early 1990s, but its armed status remains the defining side-profile issue. NCTC ties Hezbollah's post-2006 political leverage to its retention of arms and secure communications, while UN Security Council Resolution 1701 calls for no armed personnel, assets, or weapons in southern Lebanon other than those of the Government of Lebanon and UNIFIL.
Hezbollah's best-known military layer is rocket fire into Israel. CSIS Missile Threat describes Hezbollah's rocket and missile inventory as mostly small, transportable, unguided surface-to-surface artillery rockets, with large numbers used to complicate suppression and create a standoff threat against northern Israel.
The documented weapon set reflects that pattern through 122 mm Katyusha rockets, Fajr-3, Falaq, Fadi, and Burkan-family entries. These records should not be read as a complete arsenal; they are the subset with weapon-specific conflict-use sourcing.
Current arsenal totals are especially sensitive. Public estimates before the 2024 Israeli campaign placed Hezbollah among the most heavily armed non-state actors, but later reporting and official claims describe major degradation. The public record supports documented categories more strongly than a single live stockpile number.
Anti-tank guided missiles and crew-served weapons are central to Hezbollah's border-fighting profile. Almas and Kornet represent precision and heavy anti-armor threats, while SPG-9, mortar, machine-gun, and small-arms records cover recovered or reported infantry-support weapons.
These systems matter because the 2023-2024 phase was fought along the Blue Line, in northern Israeli communities, and in southern Lebanese villages and border terrain. Anti-armor missiles, recoilless guns, mortars, and concealed launch positions fit that geography better than a conventional maneuver force profile.
Model-level claims remain evidence-bound. A weapon recovered from a southern Lebanon position, a Hezbollah attack statement, or an Israeli military claim may support one catalog row, but it does not prove uniform distribution across the organization.
The post-2024 conflict period adds a drone-adaptation layer. Associated Press reporting documented fiber-optic drones launched from Lebanon into northern Israel, while Guardian reporting described Hezbollah use of cheap explosive FPV UAVs against soldiers, tanks, bulldozers, and other vehicles in southern Lebanon.
The FPV and one-way attack UAV records are class-level entries because public reporting often identifies the control method or attack pattern rather than a single factory model. That distinction is important: side-level copy can describe a tactical pattern, while weapon records carry the narrower conflict-use evidence.
Drone claims are fast-moving and propaganda-heavy. Hezbollah statements, Israeli military briefings, recovered remnants, and battlefield video can each document pieces of the picture, but production volume, exact model identity, and launch-chain details require more cautious wording.
Iran is the core external-support thread in Hezbollah sourcing. CFR identifies Iran as Hezbollah's largest benefactor, and Treasury sanctions releases describe IRGC-Qods Force and Hezbollah-linked revenue channels involving Iranian oil, commodities, money exchanges, gold conversion, and procurement networks.
Those financial and logistical sources explain why Hezbollah's equipment ecosystem is repeatedly described as Iran-backed, but they do not identify the path of every rocket, missile, drone component, or launcher. Individual weapon records still need direct evidence for the exact conflict-use row.
Sanctions and disarmament pressure are part of the current operating environment. Treasury releases frame Hezbollah finance as a target of U.S. sanctions, while the 2024 cessation text and Resolution 1701 implementation disputes place Lebanese Armed Forces deployment, armed-presence restrictions, and Israeli withdrawal questions at the center of the post-ceasefire file.
NCTC describes Hizballah as formed in response to Israel's invasion of Lebanon.
NCTC records Hezbollah participation in the Lebanese Government since 1992.
UNSCR 1701 created the post-2006 framework restricting armed personnel and weapons south of the Litani River to the Government of Lebanon and UNIFIL.
UNIFIL reported rockets from southeast Lebanon and Israeli return fire, opening the sustained Israel-Hezbollah border confrontation.
Hezbollah confirmed Hassan Nasrallah's death after an Israeli strike in Beirut's southern suburbs.
Hezbollah selected longtime deputy Naim Qassem to lead the organization after Nasrallah's death.
The Israel-Lebanon cessation arrangement tied the halt in hostilities to UNSCR 1701 implementation, Lebanese Armed Forces deployment, and restrictions on armed presence in southern Lebanon.
AP and later reporting documented fiber-optic and explosive FPV drone activity launched from Lebanon during renewed fighting.
Hezbollah sourcing is strong for broad identity, political participation, Iranian support, sanctions context, Resolution 1701 rules, major leadership changes, and several weapon-specific conflict-use rows. It is weaker for live arsenal totals, chain-of-custody, unit-level holdings, exact drone model identities, battlefield loss estimates, and post-ceasefire disposition. Treat official military statements, Hezbollah claims, sanctions allegations, and conflict reporting as bounded evidence unless independently corroborated.
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Crewed aircraft, drones, and loitering munitions.




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Tube artillery, rocket artillery, and long-range ground fires.




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Portable weapons used by soldiers and small units.





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Standalone missiles, bombs, rockets, torpedoes, and guided or unguided explosive payloads.




