
Hunting rifle
Represents the only current weapon entry directly linked to the anti-balaka militias side through catalog conflict-use data.
Infantry Weapons / Civilian shoulder-fired rifleConflict side
Anti-balaka militias were loosely organized Central African armed groups that mobilized against Seleka and ex-Seleka forces after the 2013 seizure of Bangui, then became major perpetrators of attacks on Muslim civilians and other communities during the Central African Republic civil war.
2 weapon systemsAnti-balaka militias emerged as local self-defense formations during the Central African Republic crisis that followed the Seleka offensive, the March 2013 fall of Bangui, and the collapse of state protection outside the capital. Their early mobilization was framed as resistance to Seleka abuses, but the movement quickly became a loose militia field rather than a single command structure.
The side's catalog footprint is narrow because public weapon evidence is strongest at the class level. Conflict Armament Research documented anti-balaka fighters and armed civilians with artisanal weapons, 12-gauge shotgun ammunition, hunting rifles, and some heavier weapons, while the current catalog link for this canonical side is the generic hunting rifle entry.
The anti-balaka label covered a wide and changing set of actors. Some factions claimed a national political or military leadership, while many local groups operated through village, neighborhood, or prefecture-level networks whose agendas mixed self-defense, revenge, local authority, extortion, and anti-Seleka mobilization. IPIS cautions that the term came to encompass official movement factions, affiliated or unaffiliated local militias, self-defense groups, and criminal gangs.
The movement's violence became central to the conflict after late 2013. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch describe anti-balaka attacks on Muslim communities in Bangui and western or northwestern towns, including killings, forced flight, looting, and destruction of mosques and homes. The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum frames the militias as self-defense forces that increased violence by targeting civilians perceived to support Seleka as well as fighting former Seleka forces.
Anti-balaka equipment reflected that fragmented structure. CAR's 2014 field investigation found anti-balaka militias primarily armed with artisanal weapons, 12-gauge shotguns, and hunting rifles; some elements also had AK-pattern rifles, general-purpose machine guns, and RPG-pattern launchers whose exact custody and acquisition route were not documented in detail. Shotgun ammunition observed with anti-balaka forces and armed civilians came from several manufacturing countries and moved through opaque local or regional channels.
Later records show the actor category becoming more factional and politically entangled. IPIS identified Maxime Mokom and Patrice-Edouard Ngaissona as prominent anti-balaka coordination figures after 2015, and Human Rights Watch reported that the International Criminal Court convicted Alfred Yekatom and Patrice-Edouard Ngaissona in 2025 for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the Central African Republic between December 2013 and August 2014.

Represents the only current weapon entry directly linked to the anti-balaka militias side through catalog conflict-use data.
Infantry Weapons / Civilian shoulder-fired rifleThe anti-balaka mobilization followed the Seleka takeover and the inability of state institutions to protect many communities outside Bangui. CFR and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum both describe anti-balaka forces as forming in response to former Seleka abuses and state absence, with the movement adding a new sectarian dimension to the conflict.
That origin does not make the side a disciplined defensive force. Amnesty International described anti-balaka fighters as loosely organized Christian and animist militias opposed to Seleka rule, and Human Rights Watch documented attacks on Muslim civilians, homes, and mosques in Bangui and western or northwestern towns.
The profile therefore treats anti-balaka as a conflict-side militia network: locally rooted, politically exploited, and often violent against civilians. It is reusable only for reviewed conflict records where sources identify anti-balaka forces or closely associated factions, not as a default label for every non-Seleka local armed actor.
IPIS found that the anti-balaka label became a catch-all for a variety of actors engaged in violence against armed groups, civilians, humanitarian personnel, or MINUSCA. Its categories included the official anti-balaka movement, affiliated or unaffiliated local militias, self-defense groups, and criminal gangs.
The same mapping project identified a Bangui-based leadership layer that sought political recognition and positions, while local groups retained strong territorial agendas. By 2015, the main coordination branches were associated with Maxime Mokom and Patrice-Edouard Ngaissona, but IPIS also warned that many local militias could identify with a broader movement without clear operational subordination.
This matters for equipment attribution. A weapon recovered from one anti-balaka checkpoint or militia cell should not be generalized across the movement unless the source itself supports that broader claim.
Conflict Armament Research's 2014 field investigation is the strongest direct equipment source for the side. It reported that anti-balaka militias opposing Seleka forces were primarily armed with artisanal weapons, 12-gauge shotguns, and hunting rifles.
The same report observed 12-gauge shotgun rounds associated with anti-balaka forces and armed civilians, including rounds manufactured in Spain, Italy, and Cameroon. It also noted that some anti-balaka elements had AK-pattern assault rifles, general-purpose machine guns, and RPG-pattern launchers, but that those heavier weapons were not documented in the same detail.
The current catalog linkage should therefore remain conservative. The hunting rifle entry reflects the documented weapon class, while additional anti-balaka weapon pages need direct model-specific or class-specific conflict-use evidence before being attached to this side.
Anti-balaka violence was a central driver of civilian harm in 2013 and 2014. Amnesty International described attacks on Muslim communities in Bangui and the western third of the country, while Human Rights Watch reported mass flight from northwestern and southwestern towns after anti-balaka attacks, looting, and mosque destruction.
Accountability sources are unusually important for this side because militia claims of self-defense often obscure command responsibility and victim targeting. Human Rights Watch reported that ICC judges convicted Alfred Yekatom and Patrice-Edouard Ngaissona in July 2025 for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed between December 2013 and August 2014, while noting acquittals on some charges and other Central African Republic proceedings still open.
The Seleka coalition launched the offensive that led to the 2013 state collapse and the later anti-balaka mobilization.
Seleka forces seized the capital and ousted President Francois Bozize, creating the immediate political setting for anti-balaka mobilization.
Human rights reporting places the escalation of anti-balaka revenge attacks and civilian targeting in late 2013.
Conflict Armament Research began field documentation of weapons held or seized from anti-balaka, Seleka, and armed civilian actors in Bangui.
IPIS identifies the post-2015 anti-balaka leadership space as dominated by factions associated with Maxime Mokom and Patrice-Edouard Ngaissona.
Human Rights Watch reported that ICC judges convicted Alfred Yekatom and Patrice-Edouard Ngaissona on war-crimes and crimes-against-humanity charges tied to the 2013-2014 violence.
Anti-balaka was not a unified regular force. This profile maps the conflict-local side in the 2012 Central African Republic Civil War record and should not be used to assign every local militia, checkpoint, self-defense group, or later CPC-aligned actor to the same command chain.
Evidence is strongest for broad militia behavior, civilian-targeting patterns, and weapon classes documented by arms investigators. It is weaker for exact command chains, custody of individual weapons, local faction boundaries, and later groups that adopted self-defense language without clear anti-balaka subordination.
Category
Portable weapons used by soldiers and small units.

